The parties have sorted philosophically such that today almost all liberals are Democrats and all conservatives are Republicans.
Once upon a time, there were such creatures as liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats. voters living in counties in which a presidential candidate won by a “landslide” margin of 20 percent or more of the vote:ħ. Heterogeneous communities restrain group excesses homogeneous communities march toward the extremes.” As Bill Bishop and Robert Cushing put it in The Big Sort (2008): “Mixed company moderates like-minded company polarizes. Living only or mainly with like-minded neighbors makes us both more extreme and more certain in our political beliefs. Americans today are increasingly living in politically like-minded communities. 1951) on the election of Barack Obama in 2008Ħ. I didn’t vote for him but he’s my President, and I hope he does a good job. Their generational values, forged in the trials of the Great Depression and World War II-including a willingness to sacrifice for country, concern for the general welfare, a mature character structure, and adherence to a shared civic faith-reduced social and political polarization. We don’t call them the greatest for no reason. But in the short run-which means now-it contributes to a decline in social trust (the belief that we can understand and count on one another) and a rise in social and political conflict.ĥ. In the long run, increased racial and ethnic diversity is likely a strength. adults, religiously unaffiliated voters (the “nones”) are now more numerous than Catholics, evangelical Protestants, mainline Protestants, or members of historically black Protestant traditions, whereas socially and theologically conservative Christians today are overwhelmingly Republican.Ĥ. For example, among Democrats and Democratic-leaning U.S. It also contributes to polarizing the two political parties overall, as religious belief becomes an increasingly important predictor of party affiliation. This growing religious divide helps to explain the rise of several of the most polarizing social issues in our politics, such as gay marriage and abortion.
But another trend is the continuing, and in some respects intensifying, robustness of religious faith and practice in many parts of the society. One consequence is an increasingly open contestation of Christianity’s once-dominant role in American public and political culture. One trend is growing secularization, including a declining share of Americans who are Christians, less public confidence in organized religion, and rising numbers of religiously unaffiliated Americans. Current trends in American religion reflect as well as contribute to political polarization. They are both right.” (Never mind here the possibly problematic usage of the terms “tribe” and “ tribal.”)ģ. The Right believes that left-wing tribalism-identity politics, political correctness-is tearing the country apart. As Amy Chua puts it in Political Tribes (2018): “The Left believes that right-wing tribalism-bigotry, racism-is tearing the country apart. On both the Left and the Right, the main conceptual frameworks have largely shifted in focus from unifying values to group identities. The West’s victory in the Cold War means that (with the possible exception of jihadi terrorism) there is no longer a global enemy to keep us united as we focus on a powerful and cohesive external threat.Ģ. I’m glad you asked! Behold a bakers-dozen worth of causes.ġ. Why do Americans increasingly believe that those in the other party are not only misguided, but are also bad people whose views are so dangerously wrong-headed and crazy as to be all but incomprehensible? What has created what Arthur Brooks in his forthcoming book calls a “culture of contempt” in American politics and public life?